Sahil

Sahil (Sahilese: ساحل Sahil), officially the Sahilese People's Republic (Sahilese: جمهورية شريکت ساحل Jumhuriyat Syarikat Sahil), is a transcontinental island country located spanning Escar and Osova in the eastern Crosswind Sea, sharing major maritime borders with Jyugoku to the east, Dai Hoa to the north, and Masuka to the west. It is a highly biodiverse volcanic archipelago with hundreds of islands, various ecoregions, and thousands of known species. With over 50 million people, Sahil is the twenty-first most populous country in the world and the seventh most populous country in Escar. It consists of ten provinces and two territories. The capital is Ayodhya Baharu and the largest city and financial capital is Singhala.

Today, Sahil is a unitary parliamentary socialist republic with a president and a prime minister. Authority is mostly vested in the ruling Absolutist Party of Sahil. A developing country, it has the nineteenth-largest economy in the world by GDP (PPP), the eighteenth-highest GDP per capita (PPP), and a high human development index. With a massive reserve of mineral and energy resources, it is a leading producer of oil, gas, coal, and ore metals. It is also a major source of plastics, rubber, and pharmaceuticals. The state provides services such as universal health care and tuition-free higher education. It is a member of the Ordic League and a founding member of CODEX and FETO.

Etymology
The name Sahil comes from the Ibranic sāḥil, meaning "coast" or "shore." This is the traditional name for the region used by the Ibrani population of Sahil. The exact origin of the term is unclear. A common folk etymology claims that the early Hanafic community, having fled from persecution, sailed westward across the Sea of Antar seeking refuge; hen the northern coast of Marjak came in sight of the vanguard, the Hanifs cried out as-sāḥil, as-sāḥil! Another theory claims that it is a poetic term, metaphorically referring to Sahil as Osova's extended western coast.

During the colonial era, the region was known as Imojima, which in Yashiman means "taro island(s)." A popular explanation is that this was due to a Yashiman misconception that the Sahilese natives ate taro or yams as opposed to rice, distinguishing them from the "civilized" Yashimans, but this is not supported by the historical record. The actual origin of this name remains unknown. In 1958, the Imojima National Front declared that they would adopt Sahil as the name of the new independent republic in order to distinguish it from the previous Republic of Imojima.

Prehistory
The oldest evidence of hominid presence in Sahil dates back approximately 1.5 million years ago, as established by remains of clam-shell tools. The Toyong Hunter found in 1968, an incomplete  fossil, is considered around 700,000 years old, making it the oldest known fossilized human remains in the Sahilese archipelago. The H. erectus populations of Sahil left behind evidence of tool use, the most abundant being stone adzes and clam-shell knives and scrapers. Archaeologists today still debate whether or not cross-hatch patterns found on tools in excavation sites are the earliest evidence of symbolic thought in hominids or merely served an unknown utility.

The first anatomically modern humans arrived in Sahil around 45,000 years ago when Paleolithic hunter-gatherers crossed a land bridge from Osova during the Last Glacial Period. Around 8,000 BC, Neolithic semi-sedentary hunter-gatherers established the Kaliwangi Culture and achieved cultural complexity and mid-scale horticulture. They left behind complex burial mounds, corded pottery, stone sculptures, and evidence of more advanced tools such as jade spear tips and flint arrowheads. The Kaliwangi Culture is considered the ancestor of the aboriginal Awwali people by many anthropologists, though this has not yet been conclusively proven by paleogenetic studies and remains a controversial point in academic circles.

Ancient Era
The Pribhumi people, who form the majority of the modern Sahilese population, first arrived in the Sahilese archipelago around 1800 BC from Masuka via island-hopping in. They brought with them and bronze metallurgy and spoke the Proto-Pribhumi language. The dominant Pribhumi culture was the Lombang Culture, emerging in 9,000 HE, which created Lombang pottery, domesticated taro, and developed a complex social hierarchy which revolved around seniority and status-specific privileges and obligations. The early Pribhumi eventually confined the Kaliwangi culture to the remote southern islands of Sahil, where some anthropologists believe they developed into the modern Awwali people.

Agricultural societies developed throughout the archipelago, though they were mostly confined to river valleys and flood plains, isolated form one another. The establishment of centralized state power was made possible by rapid population growth, which was enabled by fertile volcanic soil, regular flooding, and the regular tropical climate. The domestication of the also allowed for widespread intensive agriculture and enabled the movement of goods inland. However, transportation still relied mostly on rivers, canals, and other waterways. The first kingdoms appeared around 100 BC. Little evidence remains of them, but some roads and ruins are still preserved to this day.

Classical Era


In the fifth century, the Bhanawa dynasty established trading connections with major Sagarhi port cities in modern-day Jantal. The Bhanawas achieved high rank in many kingdoms, using their cosmopolitan influence to establish close links between mainland Escar and the Sahilese archipelago. Around the same time, the Kingdom of Merapi became the dominant kingdom in Kawi, marking the accepted start of the classical era. was developed in the early classical era, converting much of the previously unused foothills into farmland. The increase in wealth and manpower enabled Merapi to either launch large-scale military expeditions or exert enough diplomatic pressure to forcefully annex other states.

The Bhanawas married into the Kingdom of Merapi and eventually became its ruling house. Under their rule, northern Sahil experienced a golden age, with the capital city of Merapi becoming a major urban center. It was in this golden age that the first comprehensive writing system, Aksara Kawi, was devised, leading to the rise of high literature. Siddhism was also established during this time period by the Siddhidharma, becoming the major religion of the classical era under Bhanawa patronage. Many temples, monasteries, and monuments were built in this era: the Dharmalaya, a monumental Siddhist reliquary considered a national cultural heritage to this day, is one example. The Min, a Hua ethnic group, arrived soon after, with a majority of the settlers adopting the Siddhist faith.

The Kingdom of Merapi reached its zenith in the tenth century with the subjugation of its major rival, the Kingdom of Pajar, during the reign of King Candrawira the Great. He was assassinated during the subsequent celebrations, and a war of succession broke out between his sons, severely weakening royal authority. This was further exacerbated by peasant uprisings, particularly in agriculturally important river valleys. The Red Sash Rebellion broke out in 953, led by a Min general. The kingdom fell with the Sack of Merapi in 956, widely considered the end of the classical era. Most of the Bhanawa dynasty died out soon after, though an important cadet branch fled to southern Kawi where it played a central political role in the following centuries.

Feudal Era


The early feudal era was marked by fighting between the petty kingdoms. No single state achieved hegemony for more than a few years, leaving the populace to depend on military warlords for protection in exchange for food and manpower. This created a feudal system known as sapatha, where local warlords would recognize the sovereignty of overlords as a first-among-equals and band together to rule larger swathes of territory. The Ibranis also arrived in this period, fleeing from Sarethani religious persecution. The Ibranis practiced Hanaf, a sister religion to Messianism which was unique in its comprehensive legal canon and its radical calls for social equality and economic fairness. Peasants and merchants were especially drawn to the new religion, many of whom converted.

The Kingdom of Singhala rose to prominence in the late thirteenth century under the reign of Pakujaya II Syahid, a descendant of the Bhanawas. During his reign, Singhala officially adopted Hanaf and subsequently secured the allegiance of the Hanafic kingdoms, thus extending its reach into the northernmost islands and its lucrative trading ports. Soon after, it conquered its neighbors and unified Kawi under its rule, becoming the dominant power in the region. The main rival to Singhala was the Kingdom of Indrasari, which was a holdout for zealous Siddhist devotees who disdained Hanaf as a foreign religion. However, the court would eventually convert to Hanaf in 1439 under the reign of Sanjaya VII Syarifuddin. Its power was mostly limited to eastern Sahil, though it made unsuccessful efforts to reach into the south.

Singhala managed to achieve stability by assimilating its conquered subjects. Every citizen was entitled to the full rights and protections of Singhalese law. It backed its legal protection with the might of its navy, leveraging its maritime knowledge and vast resources to become the major thalassocracy in south Escar. Although Hanaf was the state religion, it practiced religious tolerance and upheld many of the rights of its religious minorities. The kingdom's wealth grew sizably thanks to its northern ports between the Crosswind Sea and the Sea of Antar, controlling trade between Escar and Amphia. The kingdom became famed for its, , , , and high society, which spread throughout the region and to some extent even overseas.

Colonial Era


The seventeenth century saw the decline of of Singhala as a result of weakening central authority. A succession crisis in 1652 led to the largest decline in royal power, with many vassals becoming independent in all but name thereafter. While the Singhalese monarch continued to assert authority over openly rebellious vassals, the throne was never able to regain its former authority and increasingly relied on mercenaries in its wars. In the early eighteenth century, the kingdom began to cede ports to and sign trade treaties with Yamatai in exchange for military aid. Chisei, the main rival state to Yamatai, made similar deals with Singhala's southern vassals and its own main rival, the Kingdom of Indrasari. By the nineteenth century, a large population of Yashimans had settled in the region.

Following the Sakura Revolution in Yamatai, Empress Kayako demanded that Singhala and its vassals submit to Yamataian and become a military governorship. Although this ultimatum was met with fierce popular resistance and even military buildup, a show of arms involving cannonfire directed at the royal palace in Kalijo led King Pakujaya XIII Ismail to finally submit to foreign rule. While all of the northern vassals obeyed the ultimatum, all the other vassals broke away from the kingdom. Their independence was short-lived. Under the pressure of the encroaching Yamataian military, the remaining states in the region, including the Kingdom of Indrasari, agreed to become Chiseian protectorates. The archipelago was split into two main colonies: North Imojima under Yamatai and South Imojima under Chisei.

Under colonial rule, mining grew to become a major economic activity. Precious metals and coal were some of the most important colonial exports. However, agriculture remained the largest industry by far. Colonial administrators increasingly converted both existing farmland and rainforest to cultivate cash crops like coffee, tea, sugar, cocoa, and rubber. Administration in North and South Imojima were radically different. In North Imojima, Yamatai directly controlled the management of colonial industry for import to the homeland via the military. In South Imojima, Chisei took a relatively more hands-off approach, allowing private colonial enterprises to govern their native labor force and operate without the direct supervision of the crown or the military.



While economic concerns did drive the Yamataian administration, the main policy in North Imojima during the first half of the colonial era was native assimilation. This was an extension of the Izoku Kyowa, which sought to unify all Escaric peoples as a Yashiman-led nation. Under this policy, natives who adopted Yashiman culture were allowed to participate in the colonial administrative system. However, the discovery of oil and natural gas in the region in the early twentieth century effectively ended this arrangement; subsequently, most natives were put to use in harvesting these resources, with no hope of political participation. While anti-colonial sentiment had existed since the first days of the colonial era, this policy change led to a surge in anti-colonial organization.

Most native political organizations were banned in both colonies, but two major groups became influential in the early twentieth century: the Crosswind League, a South Imojiman political party which sought home rule and autonomy which was sanctioned by the Chiseian colonial authorities; and the Imojima National Front, a North Imojiman group which sought total independence and was labelled as an illegal terrorist group by the Yamataian Empire. While the League was effectively nonexistent in North Imojima, due to imperial restrictions on freedom of assembly and association, the Front found widespread, though not necessarily majority, popular support in both colonies. Sectarian strife was common and the two organizations often refused to collaborate, frustrating the overall push for independence.

The First Escar-Varunan War led to a drastic shift in the political landscape, both in Escar as a whole and in the Imojiman colonies in particular. With Yamatai taking the dominant position in the Crosswind region, the Chiseian colonial administration increasingly began to make use of native participation in South Imojima. Native industrial brigades were raised to build military equipment, especially ships and small arms, as Chisei became increasingly revanchist and sought to reclaim its lost territory from Yamatai. This shift led to a wave of support for the Crosswind League throughout both colonies, as more and more colonial subjects began to believe in a possibility for more political participation and even home rule or autonomy under a Chiseian colonial commonwealth.

Modern Era


The Second Escar-Varunan War, which began with a failed Chiseian offensive to retake its lost territory, turned all the Yashiman colonies into a battlefield. Imojima was one of the most important theaters, especially as Chiseian generals began to focus their attention on disrupting the already overspread Yamataian military supply-chains in strategic locations. Many natives militias rose up to resist Yamataian military control, holding off the superior imperial military until Chiseian reinforcements were able to consolidate control over the region in 1942. The Treaty of Haiphong in 1945 ended hostilities and transferred North Imojima to Chisei. Many colonial subjects believed that the Chiseian crown would finally grant the colony some level of political power or autonomy.

Instead of granting Imojima unified self-government, Chisei reorganized North Imojima into the nominally independent Republic of Imojima. The political system of the republic was designed, however, to almost always ensure the superior political position of Yashimans. The legislature, which was split into three houses, highly favored the upper houses and maintained quotas limiting the amount of non-Yashiman representatives therein. The bureaucracy exclusively recruited from the Yashiman settler elite or from native collaborators. Meanwhile, South Imojima continued to be a direct colony, with no changes to the level of native political participation after the war. These policies stoked deep anti-colonial sentiment in the native population, which increasingly supported the Imojima National Front.

The struggle for independence came to a head in 1957 during the Teiyū Crisis. After the Imojiman lower house, almost entirely controlled by the National Front, passed a law declaring the union of the Republic of Imojima with South Imojima, the upper houses unilaterally moved to disband the lower house. In return, the lower house seceded and declared the establishment of the Sahilese Democratic Republic. Most of the Imojiman military, filled with Imojiman enlisted soldiers, declared support for the provisional government. A brief conflict ensued as Chiseian forces were deployed in the region to handle the situation. However, threats of Arshavati intervention led to a hasty armistice and the Treaty of Merapi, which recognized the Democratic Republic as the legitimate government in Sahil.

Following independence, the socialist elements of the National Front emerged as the dominant ideological force and pushed for the nationalization and appropriation of colonial industry left in Sahil. While key industries were taken over by the state, the remaining industries were reorganized as state-owned collectives and put under the control of the trade unions. This model was closer to the Arshavati system than to Ordan socialism, establishing Sahil as a distinctly Escaric ally of Arshavat. The National Front subsequently renamed itself the Sahilese People's Revolutionary Party and took over control of the state. Unlike the Arshavati All-People's Front, however, the Party allowed a united front of allied groups and independents to sit with it in the National Assembly.



Like many socialist parties in Escar, the Revolutionary Party was ideologically dominated by the Arshavati All-People's Front. Wayan Cahyadi, a central independence figure and the party's first general secretary, codified a commitment to collective economy and the paternalistic state. However, he also stressed the uniquely Sahilese importance of the united front and the protection of civil liberties, a departure from the GAPF party line. Following his retirement in 1968, three major factions developed which sought control: the federalists, who sought to turn Sahil into a federation; the nationalists, who wanted to fully collectivize the economy; and the communists, who wanted to move Sahil closer to Hoaian ideology. No single faction ever gained full control, with alliances constantly shifting.

The 1960s were a decade of relative peace as Sahil turned toward its major allies in the region, Arshavat and Dai Hoa, for economic aid. While the majority of the economy was not planned, the state used central planning to rapidly modernize the petroleum industry. Sahil quickly became a major source of oil and gas for socialist nations globally, including Redon. The revenues from energy exports became particularly important in funding modernization initiatives, such as the Golden Rice Initiative which sought to make Sahil agriculturally self-sufficient. While agriculture and forestry remained important, by the end of the decade the economy was dominated by the petroleum, plastics, pharmaceutical, shipbuilding, arms manufacturing, and transportation industries.

The Arshavati Civil War in 1970 led to a severe economic recession, as economic subsidies exposed the vulnerabilities of the petroleum-heavy Sahilese economy. Although the nationalists attempted to turn Sahil more firmly toward Dai Hoa, a federalist-nationalist coalition instead instituted a policy of guided liberalization. Most government-run industries, except key sectors such as petroleum, were collectivized. The central Bank of Sahil was also established in order to strictly control monetary policy. While the move angered the communists and the rural population, Sahil's economy successfully recovered by the late 70s and experienced a major growth in gross domestic product and human development; by 1981, the state was able to send direct military aid in the briefly-fought Kuijuan War.

In the aftermath of the war in Kuiju, Sahil joined CODEX along with Arshavat and most of the socialist states in Ordis. However, in an unprecedented crisis, the communists broke away from the Revolutionary Party and established the Communist Party of Sahil. Following negotiations, the Communist Party was formally admitted as the leader of the United Front. Tensions remained as the parties disagreed regarding economics, the Hoa-Arshavati split, and whether to formally recognize Communist Masuka. In 1987, the Communist Party unilaterally recognized the Masukan regime, leading to another political crisis. By early 1988, the Communist party claimed control of the National Assembly and demanded that the Revolutionary Party and President Aiko Takahara step down.



The standoff culminated with the Boshin Crisis, as the paramilitary wing of the Communist Party stormed the Presidential Palace and attempted to capture Takahara. While she was able to flee the city, the Communist Party subsequently utilized the uproar to gain control of the National Assembly and ban the Revolutionary Party, declaring the birth of the People's Republic of Sahil. The military was subsequently disbanded and the new government called on Dai Hoa to intervene on their behalf. The Hoaian-Sahilese War officially began on March 14, as Hoaian troops invaded and secured its hold in the north. However, they were unable to achieve a foothold outside of the major cities, allowing loyalist forces to regroup in the south and resist the Communists.

Combat was confined to the central islands of Sahil, but eventually bogged down to ineffective artillery bombardments and an inconclusive air war. In the north, loyalist forces waged a highly effective guerrilla campaign from the countryside, engaging in small skirmishes that distracted the Hoaian military and slowly drained resources away from the south. Many formerly communist rural provinces aligned with the loyalists after Dai Hoa intervened. Arshavat officially intervened on behalf of the loyalists in late 1991, sending troops and material aid. The reinforced loyalist forces were able to push Hoaian troops out of the central islands, and over the next year began to encircle their bases in the north. With the economy drained by the war, Dai Hoa began to withdraw its troops from Sahil and completely exited by April 1992.

The Communist Party surrendered soon after. Following the end of the war, the National Assembly adopted a new constitution. The Revolutionary Party likewise disbanded, succeeded by the Democratic Federalist Union and the National Labor Party. Much of the country was still ravaged by the war, and a recession triggered by economic instability in Arshavat led to what is known as the dark decade. The military was mobilized in order to aid with reconstruction while the state sought aid for the first time from capitalist countries in order to deal with the economic crisis.

Reconstruction efforts were largely successful, leading to a new economic boom in the 21st century. The turn of the century was marked by Sahil's rapid growth from a developing nation to a major emerging market and a middle power in Escar. Trade relations were normalized with several capitalist nations, but increased economic prosperity was accompanied by a subsequent rise in wealth inequality and poverty. Although Sahil has moved away from the authoritarian collectivist image it projected during the Revolutionary period, relations remain strained with the member states of HECO, who have traditionally opposed Sahil and its CODEX allies. Hostilities seemed ready to break out following the outbreak of the 2010 Masukan War, but the two blocs have managed to avoid confrontations so far.

Geography


Sahil is located between Escar and Osova. It shares maritime borders with Jyugoku, Dai Hoa, and Masuka. It covers an area of 411,545.27 km², which makes it the twentieth-largest nation in the world and the fourth largest nation in Escar. Although located closer to Osova, Sahil is generally considered an Escaric nation due to its culture. Like other nations straddling the western coast of Escar, Sahil is an archipelago, boasting thousands of islands on both sides of the equator, although not all of them are inhabited. Many are only accessible via boat or airplane, though even this form of transportation is heavily dependent on variable changes in the weather. Its largest and most populous islands are Kawi in the north, Perau in the east, and Balay in the west.

Climate
Located along the equator, Sahil has a relatively even climate year-round with no extremes. Almost all of Sahil is tropical, with only the southernmost islands lying in the subtropical zone. As such, it tends to experience rainfall and hot temperatures throughout the whole year. Most of the Sahilese archipelago is dominated by a tropical rainforest climate. There are some tropical grasslands along the western coast and in the valleys which experience a long, warm, dry winter from September to April. However, these regularly contain floodplains and tend to be the site of volcanic soil deposits, making them some of the most fertile areas in the nation. While there are no monsoon winds affecting Sahil, tropical storms occasionally disrupt the even Sahilese climate from time to time.



Geology
Sahil is extremely unstable, sitting at the meeting point of two continental plates and two oceanic plates. As a result, it is home to many volcanoes and experiences numerous earthquakes and tidal waves. Owing to the complicated way in which the plates meet each other, the mountain ranges of Sahil do not form neat, archipelagic-wide mountains as might be seen in Yamatai. Instead, a large number of smaller mountain ranges line the western half of Sahil. These mountain ranges also cast a rain shadow over most of the most western parts of Sahil, from which the tropical savannahs arise. Volcanic ash carried by easterly winds and rivers has led to extremely fertile soil in western Sahil, which is a crucial factor in the historically high output of rice in Kawi and Balay.

Wildlife
Sahil boasts the highest level of in the eastern hemisphere and one of the highest in the world. It is traditonally split into two rough : the Kawinese Shelf and the Osovan Fringe. The former comprises the northern islands of Sahil, which were once connected to mainland Escar and are home to Escaric flora and fauna such as and. The latter comprises the remaining Sahilese islands, which were once connected to mainland Osova and are mostly inhabited by Osovan flora and fauna such as and. Today however the division between the ecoregions are not as clearly defined as scientists uncover evidence that species such as the and the  may have evolved on both the Kawinese Shelf and the Osovan Fringe.

Politics
Sahil is a federal parliamentary socialist republic. Legislative power is vested in the National Assembly, which is composed of the Popular Council and the Federal Council. Representatives are elected to the Popular Council, the lower house, by direct vote. Each provincial legislature appoints five representatives to the Federal Council, the upper house. The Popular Council has the power to overrule the Federal Council with a three-fifths majority. Appropriation bills can only originate in the Popular Council as well. The political system is laid out by the constitution, which was adopted in 1992. Amendments generally require a two-thirds majority of both houses or a three-fifths majority in a referendum.

The president is the head of state and is elected by direct alternative vote for a term of five years for a maximum of two terms. The office generally carries only ceremonial functions, but the constitution does reserve certain emergency reserve powers for the president. In practice, however, the president is usually the leader of the governing party and has a strong influence over the legislative agenda. The prime minister is the head of government and leads the executive branch. The prime minister is nominated by the National Assembly and appointed by the president, but must command the confidence of the Popular Council. The government is appointed by the president on the advice of the prime minister and is responsible to the Popular Council.

Prior to 1992, Sahil was a one-party socialist state controlled by the Sahilese People's Revolutionary Party. This system collapsed with the establishment of the Communist Party of Sahil in 1984 and the start of the Hoa-Sahil War in 1988. Since 1992, the political system has been dominated by the centrist Democratic Federalist Union and the center-right National Labor Party. The two parties often form a governing coalition, and the president and prime minister has so far always come from one of the two parties. The opposition has been led by the center-left Social Reform Party since 1997. While it has never been part of the federal government, several provinces, especially in the east, are controlled by the Social Reform Party.

Administrative divisions


Sahil is a federation which comprises ten provinces. Each province is largely free to determine its own internal organization. Currently, each province is divided into regencies, districts, and subdistricts. Some regencies combine to form a metropolis that functions as a single unit: one example is Singhala, the largest city in Sahil; Ayodhya effectively functions as a province-level metropolis. While there used to be separate designations for urban and rural subdivisions, every province has adopted a simplified division since 1992. The provinces are grouped together into four regions which have their own conferences to which each province sends a delegate, but these are only coordinating bodies and do not have state power.