|The Proletarian Union of Valourium
Pralietarskaja Sajuz Valourium (Zwylno-Pelkish)
|Motto: LIBERTAS OMNI - LIBERTAS OMNE|
|Anthem: Internacyjanal (no lyrics)|
The Proletarian Union of Valourium (green) in Orda (dark grey).
|Official languages||Zwylno-Pelkish (de facto)|
|Recognised national languages||Zwylno-Pelkish, Volkish, Italian, Bosnian, and Hyspanian|
|Recognised regional languages||Zwylnian and Pelkish|
|Ethnic groups||34.6% Zwylny
11.2% Orthodox Christian
6.6% Sunni Muslim Other
|-||Chairperson of the National Workers' Congress of Valourium||Piter Sabieski|
|-||Chairperson of the Presidium of the Proletarian Union of Valourium||Aliaksandr Valiancinaŭ|
|-||Upper house||National Workers' Congress of Valourium|
|-||Lower house||Valourian Syndicates Assembly|
|-||Pelkish Migration into Area||c.600|
|-||Formation of the United Kingdom of the Valourians||1117|
|-||The Great Charter of the Rights of Peoples||1586|
|-||Rebellion of the Slavic Brethren||1768|
|-||Uprising of the Serfs||1821|
|-||The Valourian Proletarian Revolution||1928|
|-||Membership in Seventh Internationale||2017|
|Currency||Valourian Credits (Đ)|
|Time zone||IST 3|
|Drives on the||right|
The Proletarian Union of Valourium, commonly called Valourium, or sometimes the Union, is a Syndicalist Democracy in central Orda in an area originally inhabited by Zwylnians. It is bordered to the east by Almerreich, to the south by the Silver Sea, to the west by ???, to the north by Cairdeas and has an estimated population of 68 million. Valourium is divided into 3 regions collectively containing 528 counties, which serve as the base unit of government. The Kabyshya runs through Valourium north to south and has a deep connection to Valourian history, culture, and identity.
Valourium is governed by a somewhat complex network of elected bodies and committees appointed by the former with the goal of creating a democratic workers' paradise. Community political and economic needs are accounted for by the many "dialects," or channels of communication and legal connections between government assemblies representing numerous layers of political power in the highly devolved state.
Valourium is a developed country with a gross national product of $2.005 trillion. Although Valourium's economy is largely based in the extraction and refinement of resources, it maintains healthy manufacturing in heavy consumer commodities as well as agriculture with a highly-skilled and largely educated labor force. Additionally, Valourium's enormous emphasis on education and support of universities has pushed it toward the forefront of physical sciences, leading to healthy enterprises in foreign advising and consultation. It is a member of the Ordic League and a member of the Seventh Internationale.
- 1 History
- 1.1 Prehistoric history
- 1.2 Agricultural revolution
- 1.3 Classical history
- 1.4 Middle ages
- 1.5 Renaissance era
- 1.6 Enlightenment era
- 1.7 Industrial era
- 1.8 Modern era
- 1.9 Endwar
- 1.10 Post Endwar
- 2 Politics
- 3 Economy
- 4 Culture
Rebellion of the Slavic Brethren
The Rebellion of the Slavic Brethren is unique in Valourian history in that it is its only ever three-way civil war. The war was initiated by the Pelkish Prince Kirillovsky Aleksandr Leonidovich, who after several failed attempts by King Romuald Kownacki to establish Valourian colonies overseas declared the Kingdom of Prayataskaya, the homeland of the Valourian Pelks, on the 4th of May, 1768. Not only did the Pelks in Prayataskaya see the United Kingdom as unfairly skewed to favor the Zwylnians, but Zwylnian kings in recent history had committed some of the most glaring errors in governance both domestically and abroad. This led the Valourian Pelks not only to emphasize the differences between their culture and the Zwylnians, but also gave them a scapegoat on which to blame political problems. In turn, the Valourian Zwylnians in the Eastern third of the country, largely isolated by its characteristic hills and forest, began to shun Pelkish culture and clamor for the creation of a new independent Zwylnian kingdom. Once the Valourian Pelks had declared their own kingdom, these Zwylnians moved quickly to establish their own and on the 23trd of May, 1768, declared independence as the Kingdom of Wydowik under the leadership of Prince Mariusz Bojanowski. King Kownacki, to whom about half of the population was still loyal, refused to recognize either. Thus began the civil war known as the Rebellion of the Slavic Brethren.
Whereas Prayataskaya began the war moving quickly to establish a firm defense for its territory, Wydowik sought to force Kownacki to recognize the nascent kingdom by sending General Edmund Kubiak with an army to lay siege upon Amestryi. Although this left most of its forces committed, Wydowik had little trouble defending its borders from attempts at invasion from loyalist forces due to the aforementioned hills and forest covering most of its land. Furthermore, few efforts were made by the loyalists to regain Wydowik initially as they accounted for the difficulty of invasion along with the fact that Prayataskaya contained most of Valourium's iron, which was crucial for any sort of war effort. Therefore, Valourium's primary goals at the start of the war was the retaking of Prayataskaya and relieving the siege of the capital. With both the King and the Grand Martial of the Army, Grand Duke Antonov Victorovich, being trapped in Amestryi, the responsibility for these two goals fell on Duke Anatol Krolikowski, who had around 38,000 soldiers, 6 batteries of field cannon, and 2 batteries of siege artillery at his disposal.
The first significant engagements of the war were the Battle of Norogodny and the Amestryi Siege Bypass, both of which were stunning successes for the loyalist forces due in part to the bulk of rebelling forces being unprofessional and mostly untrained and the latter of which successfully rescued Kownacki and Victorovich. This gave many the impression that the rebellion would be over shortly. However, as the armies of Valourium reached more important objectives, they unexpectedly found themselves facing increasingly better equipped and trained troops, resulting in, among other things, the disastrous Battle of Fedosov Ridge, in which Krolikowski's army leading the offensive against Prayataskaya was almost entirely destroyed. Krolikowski barely escaped with his life. This encouraged Prayataskaya to go on the offensive.
Dragging out for many years, Prayataskaya's offensives gained ground against the Valourian loyalists until June of 1773, when rumors of Prayataskayan massacres of predominantly Zwylnian villages pushed the citizens of Wydowik, built largely on ethnic identity, to demand retribution against Prayataskaya. Delaying as long as he could, self-declared King Bojanowski bowed to the people's will and issued an ultimatum for restitution to be paid to the devastated villages. Prayataskaya refused. The rumors were not true. In fact, it was none other than Krolikowski who created the rumor and sent spies to Wydowik to propagate it. As planned, it led to war between the two breakaway kingdoms. Wydowik started its offensive against its new enemy in May of 1774, when the spring rains had mostly stopped in the country's central region. It ended disastrously as Prayataskaya possessed a larger army which Valourian loyalists refused to attack that year. This failure opened Wydowik up to an offensive, however, which Valourium exploited. Attacking in August the same year, Valourian forces quickly advanced through the dispirited breakaway state, using the need to defend Zwylnians from further crimes to raise support for reintegration. It worked. Wydowik rejoined Valourium in June 1775, after a second brief offensive from the loyalists. Prayataskaya attempted to prevent this by opening its own offensive against Valourium, but they made little progress as they stretched their resources thinner and thinner everyday.
Valourium spent the next several months preparing to strike back at Prayataskaya. In June 1776, Valourium attack Prayataskayan forces from the south and the east, surrounding many of Prayataskaya's armies and forcing them to surrender. Kownacki's government had reclaimed nearly three quarters of all lost territory just that year in an impressive demonstration of power. A second offensive launched in May of 1776, which also made rapid gains for an entire month straight, forced Leonidovich to either surrender or be killed either by his own subjects or by Valourian soldiers reaching the rebel capital. He chose his life, signing the Peace Treaty of Dragovich on July 6, 1777. This peace all but destroyed entirely the individual identities of the Pelks and Zwylnians, establishing a timeline for the creation of a new language combining both people's and banning the use of either on their own. In addition, only the most fundamentally important locations throughout Valourium would retain their traditional Pelkish and Zwylnian names. After a generation passed, most Valourian urbanites were speaking Zwylno-Pelkish, and much of the countryside had adopted it. While legally enforced, the population of Valourium was simply too spread out with too little connective infrastructure to fully apply enforcement throughout the United Kingdom. As a result, there are still small populations throughout Valourium which carry on the use of the languages independently. In 1992, a SPAN resulting from the case of a man arrested in Amestryi for speaking Zwylnian saw the decision made to stop enforcing the ban on personal use of Pelkish and Zwylnian, although it still forbade the use of it in regional governmental documents. This is currently challenged by groups such as the Wydowik Voters' Caucus.
Industrialization of Valourium
The Industrial Revolution reached Valourium in no hurry. The first major event influenced by it had no immediate effect on the country's development into an industrial state. The Uprising of the Serfs in 1821 is arguably the result of foreign literature made available through mass publishing industries abroad. While few serfs were literate, those most respected among the many communities of serfs were exposed to new ideas challenging the authority of their lords and praising the value of owning one's property. So although the basic principles of Capitalism became personal values among the Valourian people, they entrenched themselves quickly into a romantic of life, dedicated to managing the family farm or travelling throughout the land as a merchant, meeting new people and enjoying familiar taverns along the way as depicted in the famous poem Zapal da Vandravanniaŭ. They shunned the frantic, fast-paced living style which came with industrialization. Valourian industry sprang forth from so-called "huĺtajavaliary," an abbreviated phrase meaning "lazy merchants," who started to mass produce cheap counterfeits of expensive foreign goods which they would previously have to travel hundreds if not thousands of miles for. As such, these huĺtajavaliary set up light production centers tucked away in the Wydowik Forest, out of sight of travelers while accessible enough for small villages to be employed making these goods which they do not recognize.
In 1861, a royal investigation concerning counterfeit products uncovered the hidden production centers of Wydowik Forest, which the government quickly seized and turned into weapon shops for the army, utilizing the apparent methodology of the huĺtajavaliary. Impressed with the rate at which even this limited amount of industry allowed the army to improve itself, King Nikolai Kalinowski ordered the construction of two factories in Amestryi, one for rifles and one for artillery. Seeing how powerful neighboring armies could become with their heavy industries, he feared that Valourium could not protect itself if it refused to catch up. The factories would require railroads to bring in coal and iron from the western reaches of Valourium. Thus, the Dragovich-Amestryi Railroad, crossing the entirety of Valourium, was completed in 1870. The factories were completed in 1875, having been constructed using materials imported by sea until the railroad's completion. After the completion of these factories, the small Wydowik Forest factories were sold to locals, who started producing farming tools, simple hardware, and housing supplies. Notable among these goods are nails, planks, roof shingles, and plows. Initially sparking stiff resistance from small-scale farmers and craftsmen worried about their livelihoods and traditional ways of life, the government soothed the populace by offering many farmers jobs too valuable in their eyes to pass up on and other farmers subsidies to purchase the land others were leaving. By 1881, 15% of Valourium's population lived in urban communities supported by industrialization, mostly linked by railroads.
Reign of Svetoslav and the Aroslav Terror
King Kalinowski passed away in old age at the age of 83 in 1881, and King Alexander Svetoslav ascended the throne. Despite the impressive rate at which Valourium had industrialized over the last couple decades, Svetoslav thought that it was too slow and initiated the Valourian Modernization Mandate (VMM), directed by the Bureau of Valourian Industry (BVI), which had the authority to levy taxes within a certain margin and distribute the funds to individuals according to their ability to accelerate the industrialization process. Beginning operations in 1883, the VMM was supposed to be a more efficient way of distributing government subsidies according to how specialists thought they should be spent. However, Svetoslav appointed his brother, Duke Dmitri Aroslav, as the BVI's director, and he was more concerned about the withering strength of the aristocracy than with the improvement of Valourium's industry. Therefore, he laid out a plan whereby nobility throughout Valourium would be given funds and instructions for establishing their own local industry, thereby reinforcing the dependency of peasants and workers on the aristocracy while also empowering Valourium to fight a modern war. In reality, however, Valourium's landed gentry wanted nothing to do with dirty, smelly factories or loud, fuming trains, so they instead spent the money on repairing their estates, expanding their stables, more lavish feasts, and other extravagant indulgences. Subsequently, after reviewing industrial progress after the first year of the VMM, Svetoslav grew furious with Aroslav. Instead of dismissing his own brother from his post, however, he simply demanded significantly better results in the following years. Svetoslav is reported by some to have threatened to brand Aroslav's forehead with a hot iron to mark incompetence, but there is no evidence that this happened.
With Aroslav hard-pressed to expand Valourium's industrial base but still wanting to strengthen the aristocracy, he sought the help of Jan Balakov, Director of the Valourium Royal Investigative Service (VRIS), to enforce industrial-focused spending among those receiving funding under the VMM without shifting focus. The VRIS had no legal right to interfere in the VMM's operations as no laws or regulations required those receiving subsidies to necessarily invest them in industry. It was not considered necessary on account of the nature of the VMM. What the VRIS agents did, receiving generous payments from Aroslav, was gather information about those who squandered their subsidies and fabricated severe criminal charges for them. In total, twenty-eight individuals were tried in courts over their alleged crimes, sixteen were sentenced to prison, and one sentenced to execution by hanging. This sequence of events is colloquially referred to as the Aroslav Terror, lasting from 1884 to 1888. In these four years, Valourium's industrial output rose by approximately 12%, indicating that Aroslav's method worked and explaining why there was not more suspicion surrounding the criminal trials of dozens of aristocrats. Indeed, for a few years, commoners started seeing Aroslav as their champion, stamping out corruption among the landed nobility, making sure "Valourians' money" got invested into "Valourians' future." The execution by hanging of Count Vojciech Domovnik, famous for his original literature, finally aroused suspicion from Svetoslav concerning the nature of Aroslav's running of the VMM and the trials of the nobility.
King Svetoslav personally began to question agents of the VRIS. Promising immunity to those who cooperated with the investigation, they quickly gave up the information that Aroslav fabricated most of the criminal charges against the nobility. Svetoslav ordered the arrest of Aroslav at the beginning of 1889 and put him on trial in the High Court of Amestryi in what would become only the second criminal trial to take place in it. With the image of Aroslav being a champion of the commoners and the fighter of corrupt aristocracy, the public started depicting the trial as a struggle between the government and the people. All of this cultivated in the January Riots of 1890 when the court found Aroslav guilty of several counts of perjury, misuse of government authority, and corruption. For this, he was sentenced to life in prison. When police failed to put down the riots, Svetoslav brought in the army to quell the public. In the end, several blocks of Amestryi were destroyed by fire and 21 people were killed. Among these were 2 soldiers, 4 police officers, and 15 civilians, one which was a child who suffocated in smoke whilst trapped in a burning building. Dozens other were injured. This is widely regarded as the beginning of the rift between the public and the monarchy. As a result of the whole debacle, great pressure from the general public and Valourian aristocracy, Svetoslav made a promise to establish a representative parliament, although he did not attach a planned date to this plan.
Reign of Ekaterina II
In 1892, King Svetoslav passed away after a stroke believed now to be related to a brain aneurysm. Taking his place was Queen Ekaterina II. Her first act was to establish the parliament promised by Svetoslav, making it consist of 360 representative districts. Despite this, the monarchy retained most power to rule by decree, and every act of parliament had to be approved by the monarch. In the end, the parliament acted only as a supplement to the Throne. Nonetheless, the establishment of an elected parliament did much to subdue the population. Seeing her popularity and power as an opportunity to save the reputation of Valourium's system of monarchy, she did not stop at establishing a parliament. Ekaterina II nullified the acquisition of the lands of Aroslav's persecuted nobles by other aristocrats and held a public auction to investors. This allowed the development and flourishing of a few extremely productive, vertically integrated companies in Valourium, assisted by the Royal Bank of Valourium established by the Queen. Also during her reign, Ekaterina II encouraged members of the nascent parliament to enact safety reforms in industry. In 1900, Valourian workers celebrated the passage of the Workplace Safety Act along with a minor unemployment program as a triumph of their parliament and a sign of the Queen's grace. While riding on a wave of popularity in a country building up towards world power status, Ekaterina II passed away just ten years into her reign in 1902, succeeded by King Kalinowski II.
Ascension of Kalinowski II
Kalinowski II, once upon the throne, deemed that Ekaterina II was too focused on social issues and let the military fall into an appalling state of readiness for modern warfare. He immediately called upon a minor yet noticeable increase in income taxes to fund a recruitment drive. Additionally, he started to funnel money from public works projects and social programs to upgrade the army's arsenal. This had two noteworthy effects on the population: the government no longer effectively relieved the urban areas of Valourium who continued to face ballooning costs of living; furthermore, factories continued to receive greater and greater demands from the government as a consumer, resulting in increased neglect of positive workplace conditions as well as increased work hours. Dissatisfaction over this trend stewed up until the fifth of May, 1907, when the workers of the Dragovich Noble Metalworks plant walked out on strike, starting the period in Valourium known as the Proletarian Awakening, which ended with the Proletarian Revolution of Valourium. Local police were dispatched to disband the gathering. The strikers refused, prompting the police to respond with force. However, the workers, more much plentiful than the police, were not only not deterred by this force but responded with their own. Dragovich Noble being the largest supplier of steel in Valourium, Kalinowski II dispatched the 3rd Royal Cavalry Regiment to disband the crowd. After the strikers refused to disband when confronted by the cavalry, the soldiers opened fire. All confidence among the workers quickly collapsed, and they started scrambling in a panic. The soldiers kept firing and firing until everyone had completely fled the area around the metalworks. 84 men were killed in the incident, almost all of them workers from the plant. Despite great effort from the state to prevent news of the massacre from spreading, papers started circulating in Amestryi on May 11th, resulting in a massive street demonstration marching toward the summer palace in which it is predicted that around 400,000 citizens took part. As they marched to the palace, the protesters encountered soldiers at Aureli Square, where they were told to disband. Once more refusing, yet another bloody massacre, known simply as the Aureli Square Massacre, took place. This time, 167 people were killed with hundreds more wounded. Fury spurned large swaths of the working class to enter open revolt against the government in the period known as the Great Turbulence. It ended on the 28th of January of 1908 with the end of the Siege of the Lebryck Barricade, where the last of the proletarian rebels surrendered to government forces.
The Proletarian Awakening
Rather than taking the revolt as a sign that he needed to reform the country again, Kalinowski II decided that the most urgent necessity was to reform the army and police to be better at preventing armed insurrections and subduing them once they exist. For this purpose, new draconian laws were enacted. These new laws prohibited more than five non-related persons from gathering outside of work, created a new government censor bureau to review texts submitted to publishers, gave the police new gear and weaponry for the purpose of breaching and clearing buildings, and established a close network of military installations throughout the country to monitor activity not only in the cities and villages but the countryside as well. Additionally, police units were attached to railway stations and ports to ensure customs officers and station workers thoroughly searched for and confiscated Socialist literature. These came to be known as the Retribution Acts by the general populace. Although these did effectively end the publishing of new Valourian labor-oriented literature and bring about the arrest and subsequent execution of most of Valourium's most notable Socialist thinkers, such as Arciom Lysenko and Darya Yakovenko, the Proletarian Awakening continued. In the countryside, hand-written notes and pamphlets were passed from person to person, with individuals sometimes copying these for greater circulation. In addition to reinforcing Socialist ideology by spreading awareness of social and economic conditions in the agrarian country, they kept track of military movements throughout the countryside and established profiles on the identifiable officers. Furthermore, interactions between those at market stands and consumers within the cities kept the working class tightly knit and relatively uniform in conceptions and understandings of Valourium's political, economic, and social structure.
In addition to the passing of small notes and pamphlets, Socialist agitators and Unionists started composing songs with hidden meanings to encourage the spirit of dissent and coordinate ideological/philosophical principles. While most working class individuals may not have understood the intricacies of refined ideology, they could understand the sentiment expressed in simplistic song verses, and they tended to resonate. For example, there is "Heaven's Treasure," which promotes the concept of higher wages, condemning the typical starvation wages of the time, and disguised it as an upbeat song reinforcing faith. There is also "Lucifer the Banished," speaking of the "Wrathful Lord" set out to "harm the righteous children," once again using religious metaphor to express anti-royal/anti-noble sentiment. Stirred by song and empathy, many individuals continued organizing in underground circles despite the draconian laws enacted explicitly to prevent the organization of labor. Some of the actions taken by these individuals included planned tips to the police with some true and some false information in order to throw them off track, paying homeless individuals to march in small protests or harass police, and strategically placed public proclamations of the desires and intentions of labor parties which were actually made up. All of this was done to promote class consciousness, exhaust law enforcement, and inspire more and more people to join the cause.
Agitating activity started to die down in the years leading up to 1916 as wages increased along with decreasing work hours as the military's modernization neared completion, decreasing government demand for weapons among other things. However, wages started decreasing again as the labor force expanded faster than the economy could generate new jobs. Because of this, workers started striking more and more regularly with greater numbers up until 1921, when an enormous nationwide general strike momentarily crippled all commercial activity. The government sat down to negotiate with noteworthy figures from major sectors of the Valourian economy and reached a deal allowing the formation of labor unions in the private sector. Following this, wages once again began to increase, subduing the leftists again until 1928, when a major economic recession took hold in Valourium. With rampant inflation and unemployment, among other things, Valourium's major labor unions planned and summoned what they called a Congress of Proletarian Unions.
The Proletarian Revolution
The Congress of Proletarian Unions, convened on the 21st of December, took place in the Minskiev Ampitheater about 90 km northwest of Amestryi. However, it was proclaimed to the public not in attendance to be held in Amestryi itself. This was done for the protection of those assembling, as not only the police, but the army as well would doubtlessly be used to break it up. Minskiev Ampitheater also had the benefit of being entirely outside, which no one would truly suspect in the middle of winter. In order to further fool authorities, unemployed persons the union kept in touch with were prompted to gather in Amestryi. As a result, despite the fact that the VRIS had evidence of the assembly taking place at Minskiev, only a small detachment of police was sent to investigate. The majority of available forces were concentrated in Amestryi.
Rather than fight the soldiers when confronted, the assembled workers fraternized with them in various ways. In Amestryi, the assembled workers, sad yet hopeful in their countenance, continued to sing their songs about their vision of Valourium's future. They sang about a peaceful Valourium, where no man would have to aim his rifle at his countrymen, where Valourians would not have to worry about riots in the face of every economic downturn, and where a working man could do more than just get his family by. The soldiers, themselves having to send nearly all of their salary to their families to keep them fed, were moved greatly by the sentiment and the brotherhood of the workers. At Minskiev, the congress' guards walked to the soldiers with their hands up and initiated conversation in which they found many things in common. As a result, most of the army not attached directly to a member of the royal family defected.
With the army mostly on their side, the Congress of the Proletarian Unions passed and proclaimed the following three acts:
- The Common Property Act, which stated that the unions shall assume direct control of the industries in which they operate;
- The Proletarian Union Act, which established a joint body for governing the unions named the Proletarian Union of Valourium;
- The Replacement Act, which declared the old government defunct and the Proletarian Union to be the new legal entity governing Valourium.
What followed was a brief but tense standoff between the revolutionaries and army forces still loyal to the royal family. The revolutionaries surrounded the king's palace on Aureli Square, although they did not attempt to enter it. Royal cavalry units tried their best to surround the revolutionaries in return, but they could not fully encircle them. Small skirmishes took place over essential utilities and services, such as railway stations, telegraph stations, etc. After about a month, the king finally agreed to meet with the leaders of the revolutionaries. The final deal, signed on January 30th, 1929, stated that Kalinowski II would abdicate, disbanding the government, so long as he and his family's lives were spared, and they were guaranteed a permanent family home in Wydowik. Although the most radical elements of the Proletarian Union were outraged that the royal family had not only been spared but even granted a permanent home, the majority of the revolutionaries were satisfied in the securing of the most peaceful transition they could have hoped for. Furthermore, supporters of the royal family were happy that the revolutionaries at least had respect not only for life and basic human decency but the royal family itself. Thus, the Proletarian Union of Valourium emerged as a nation.
Supplying Foreign Insurrectionists
Although Valourium avoided direct involvement in the Endwar, the presence of extreme global tensions and conflicts gave the people the impression that, if they were to help liberate their fellow workers in other countries, there was no better time to act. Additionally, there already appeared to be a Communist plot ongoing in its eastern neighbor, Almerreich, according to correspondents of Amestry-based Socialism International (SI). This information was not revealed to the public initially. However, the SI revealed this to the Crimson Guard in 1939, which in turn informed the Syndicate of Small Arms about its desire to supply weapons to potential revolutionaries in the United Federation. Subsequently, the Syndicate of Small Arms and Munitions submitted a proposal to increase its funding for production the following year due to "escalating global hostility" incurring "the mandate to defend the people of Valourium from external threats." On such a premise, it was not difficult to gather support for the National Defense Productivity Directive of 1939, which funded the production of up to 100,000 rifles, 40,000 pistols and hand grenades, and 10,000 machine guns. With production starting in 1940, the Crimson Guard updated its equipment as necessary, storing much in the Valourian Armed Reserves and covertly shipping its old arsenals as well as many new weapons to the plotters of the 1941 coup attempt in Almerreich. Along with these, the Crimson Guard printed manuals for training insurrectionists and maintaining the weapons physically and logistically. However, due to the high-profile status of Crimson Guard personnel in Valourium and the threat their presence in Almerreich could pose to Valouium's public image, they were not allowed to remain in Almerreich to train anyone.
Refugee Influx and Integration
Following the Endwar, refugees from many countries sought to settle in Valourium, which had been relatively unharmed by the conflict. Seeing an opportunity to boost the workforce and make Valourium's industry more significant, the NWCV passed the Refugee Worker Directive which was subsequently approved of by the PPUV. It granted residency to the vast majority of the refugees who came to Valourium during the war and offered citizenship after 5 years of residency. However, the trade off of the directive was that, for the five years leading up to citizenship, refugees granted residency under this directive had to move to various locations throughout the country selected by the NCWV. The two main purposes of this was to integrate the foreigners in two ways. The first way is culturally; the larger a community of foreign people is, the more slowly they adopt the language of a new country or adjust to other cultural norms necessary to peacefully fit in. The second way is economically; in order to ensure that private enterprises did not spring forth from hundreds of new communities of closely connected foreigners, they were dispersed throughout the country. This also made it easier to employ all of them. This provided a noteworthy boost to economic activity, mostly in the areas of construction and small automobile manufacturing.
The Slow Outreach
"The Slow Outreach" refers to Valourium's gradual entrance to international diplomacy beyond exporting goods to other left-leaning states. While hesitant to establish permanent embassies, the PPUV created clear channels on which foreign states may establish contact. Valourium's primary initiative in foreign interaction is expanding academia, especially in the fields of physical and social sciences. Furthermore, however, as electronics assumed greater roles in nearly every aspect of life, Valourian syndicates found themselves lacking important metals for not only manufacturing goods but for the manufacturing process itself. As such, the NWCV started calling for more trade deals with foreign state, which only twenty years prior would have been almost unthinkable in the minds of the generally self-reliant Valourian people, who also believed it best to avoid doing anything which may benefit capitalistic states. NWCV Chairperson Vadzim Medivya, an extremely popular reformist thinker of the time, convinced the nation that socialist states may do business with capitalist states without guilt so long as the socialist state's benefits from a deal are greater than those provided for the capitalist. While this may not have been a popular idea internationally as it made explicit Valourium's intention of negotiating slanted deals, not every opportunity provided by a new market could be ignored by the outside world. It is at this time that Valourium's economy began to affect non-basic markets and diversify its commodity output.
The Proleterian Union of Valourium is a Syndicalist Democracy governed by the National Workers' Congress of Valourium (NWCV); the Presidium of the Proletarian Union of Valourium (PPUV); and the Municipal, County, and Regional Assemblies. The NWCV is the legislative arm of the government, responsible for the social and economic well being of the Union. The PPUV, the executive arm of the government, is mostly responsible for its political stability and representation. Judicial responsibilities are left to popular assemblies held weekly at the municipal level as well as effectively weekly at the county level.
For judiciary policy, when a judiciary matter is discussed at the municipal level, the county of the municipality sends observers to ensure that:
- The proceedings are free of corruption;
- Judiciary matters concerning at least the county as a whole are filed with the local County Assembly Hall (CAH).
When judiciary matters are carried into the county level, other counties within the same regional administration observe proceedings of the county assembly to ensure that:
- The proceedings are free of corruption;
- Judiciary matters concerning at least the region as a whole are filed with the Regional Assembly Hall (RAH).
When judiciary matters are carried into the regional level, the PPUV sends observers to ensure that:
- The proceedings are free of corruption;
- Judiciary matters concerning the nation as a whole are filed with the PPUV.
The PPUV and NWCV is elected biennially. Representatives in the bodies are elected at the bicounty and county level respectively in assemblies, resulting in bodies of 264 and 528 representatives for the country's roughly 68 million citizens. The first order of business in the PPUV as well as the NWCV is the election of a chairperson who oversees procedure and, along with normal voting rights, breaks ties in voting. The NWCV is also elected biennially at the county level in county assemblies. However, the NWCV has a permanent committee whose members have voting rights attached to it named the Valourian Syndicates' Assembly. The committee consists of 66 members elected by national syndicates. In the committee, national economic matters are discussed, with goals discussed by each syndicate's representatives as well as the obstacles which must be overcome to meet these goals. These are then submitted to the whole of the NWCV, which uses the information to set economic directives. These, along with legislative directives, are submitted to the PPUV for approval and execution.
When a judiciary concern is filed with the PPUV, a Special Assembly of the Nation (SPAN) is called upon. Three days are scheduled for hearings of individuals legally involved in or potentially impacted by the matter with the possibility of an extension by a vote. Following the hearings, the PPUV drafts several potential resolutions to the issue and submits a ballot to the people including all options proposed as well as a "status quo" option. Voting results are processed in an instant runoff fashion. The results are announced to an assembly of all speakers at the SPAN's initial hearings, the NWCV, and the PPUV. The assembly of these bodies take votes on three movements. One is to adopt the results of the ballot. The second is to dispute the results and force a recount. The third is to dispute the results and call for additional options to be submitted on a ballot with the originals. This process is repeated until the bodies adopt the results. It should be noted that, although this is a long and complicated process with the potential to greatly blow an issue out of proportion or bend the public will to the representatives of government, it is rare for a SPAN to dispute the results of a ballot, and one has never disputed the results more than once on a single issue.
The Proletarian Union of Valourium is
Separation of Supply and Demand
One of the greatest points of contention in the early days of the rule of the Proletarian Union was the matter of how goods would be distributed without the Capitalist mode of economics. Many advocated for a complete command economy. Those in favor of the model came to be known as the Totalitaristy, or Totalists. They argued that it was the only way to ensure completely equitable commodity and service distribution. Many others argued that a free market economy should continue to be used, but with the Union having the power to intervene in business activity and present enterprises with mandatory directives. The thinking behind this was that it is impractical to try to manage the household intake of commodities for millions of people from one governing body and that, furthermore, people should be able to choose what they earn through their work. In the fourth session of the Constitutional Assembly of the Proletarian Union, a compromise was reached in which the supply side of the economy would be controlled by the National Workers' Congress, which would have a body added to it to represent the syndicates, the Valourian Syndicates Assembly, which would be responsible for enacting the gathering and usage of resources in production and distribution in order to avoid the placing of impossible demands upon producers and laborers. One of the primary responsibilities of the NWC would be to gather economic data from regions, compiled from county reports which are based on municipal reports. The Syndicates operate as businesses do in free-market economies with the exception that they must present their plans to the VSA. Finally, the VSA would submit all syndicates' plans to the NWC for approval. The purpose of this complex scheme is to allow syndicates to operate efficiently, knowing their own circumstances and possibilities while providing the general populace a way to disallow plans which would be detrimental to their own well-being or that of the economy.
The demand side of the economy, however, was left to the individuals inhabiting the country. The utilitarian nature of the Proletarian Union led to the agreement that the best path to maximum content among the population was to allow individuals to decide upon their own commodities and services.
Syndicate Production Model
The Syndicates of Valourium (or Valourian Syndicates) operate with a unique model which provides administrations such as those of private enterprises while also making them responsible to the state. As such, economic growth is not quite as rapid as truly private enterprise, although it retains much of the efficiency of privatized production. At the same time, it provides the public with greater protection from recessions as well as more easily executable maneuvers to avoid noteworthy recessions and job loss.
The primary similarity between the Valourian Syndicates and private enterprises is the managerial structure employed. Leadership is hierarchical. The differences become distinctly noticeable, however, when you look at the way in which people come to be in managerial positions as well as the way payment is distributed. Syndicate-level management, comparable to corporate management in capitalistic countries, consists of office-holding managers. Syndicate-level management overlooks logistical and operational matters. Office-holding managers are elected by the employees of the departments they lead. In return, they are trusted to place those they perceive as the most diligent, knowledgeable, and/or experienced workers in on-floor management. Office-holding managers must have some trust in the judgement of the workers under their leadership if they wish to stay in office. In return, the workers legitimize the authority of an administrative body to issue reasonable penalties and punishments to genuinely disruptive employees. Additionally, this ensures that production leadership is generally held by individuals who truly understand their jobs and operations. Office-holding managers also vote on the level of compensation for employees at every level of operations. It is generally understood that running large industrial enterprises is a difficult matter, so syndicate-level management usually has no problem setting their own compensation higher than the rest of the workers, but the ability for syndicate-level management to be removed by vote by the average laborers prevents the difference from becoming too extreme.
Syndicate-level managers hold the power to elect representatives to the Valourian Syndicates Assembly. Employees constituting on-floor labor are allowed to petition for recall referendums. This allows generally competent negotiators who understand production and service operations to establish economic interests in national policy. Due to the market style of consumption, basic supply/demand statistics are used to give the government a realistic look at the needs of the nation. In the process, the population, being heavily involved in the production process as voting members of economic society, are made aware of basic and even somewhat sophisticated economic facts while being decently shielded from misinformation. Theoretically, this makes the consensus-building process across Valourium's many different governmental authorities and economic enterprises more civil and productive. This is a virtue enshrined in the Constitution of the Proletarian Union.
The attachment of the VSA to the National Workers' Congress, comprised of county-elected representatives, allows the general population to block the initiation of economic policies which would be potentially harmful to their well being or that of their communities. Furthermore, it allows the public as a whole to imprint upon the key actors driving the economy its long-term vision for the future. This lends itself to preventing long-term stagnation.